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CIRCULAR 



Dear Brother : — Although but too well aware of the many and 
pressing claims upon your attention, sympathy, and effort, we feel 
constrained to interpose another subject, important in itself and in its 
relations to the Church, the State, and our responsibilities as mem- 
bers of the body politic. 

On the 20th of Dec, 1858, a company of ministers met at the 
house of one of the pastors in the city of Worcester, to consider the 
aspects of the Slavery question, and its relations to the Churches of 
the North. After a full and frank interchange of opinions, it was 
voted to invite a larger number of ministers and members to meet 
in conference, and, if deemed expedient, inaugurate an organized 
movement, which should aim, not simply to remove slavery itself, 
but to place the Church in its true position in relation to this great 
problem of our land and age. Such a conference was holden at Wor- 
cester, on the 1st and 2nd inst., and resulted in the formation of a 
new association, to be called " The Church Anti-Slavery Society of 
the United States," which adopted a constitution, chose its officers, 
and, after a full discussion, agreed upon the following 

Declaration of Principles. 

I. — The rights of man as man sacred and inalienable, without distinction of 
blood or races. 

II. — Property in man impossible, as being without grant from the Creator, and 
equally contrary to natural justice and to revealed religion. 

III. — The system of American slavery and the practice of slave-holding essen- 
tially sinful and anti-Christian, and to be dealt with, therefore, as such, by Chris- 
tian churches and ministers. 

IV. — The utter ' adequacy and impossibility of any remedy or relief from 
slavery, but one that insists upon its inherent wrongfulness, its total intrinsic base- 
ness, and denies absolutely the wild and guilty fantasy that man can have property 
in man ! 

V. — The duty of one family or section of the Christian church to rebuke and 
refuse fellowship to another section of the visible church, that denies the rights of 









man and the common brotherhood of humanity, by defending slavery and folding 
to its bosom slave sellers, slave buyers and slaveholders. 

VT. — No compromise with slavery allowable, but its total extinction to be de- 
manded at once, in the name of God, who has commanded : "to loose the bands 
of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens ; and to let the oppressed go free, and 
that ye break every yoke." 

VII. — The total abolition of the vast system of American slavery to be accept- 
ed as the providential mission and duty of the American clergy and the American 
churches of this generation. 

VIII. — The church and the ministry to form the conscience of the nation in 
respect to slavery, and to make it loyal to the law of God, against all vmjust judg- 
ments of courts, and unrighteous legislation of Congress. 

IX. — The "Word of God our charter for freedom and our armory against slavery, 
and any assertion that the Lord God sanctions slavery, practical infidelity. 

X. — Ultimate success sure, in the warfare with oppression, to a faithful min- 
istry and witnessing church. 

CONSTITUTION. 

Articlk 1. The object of this association being to unite all Christians on the 
basis of the Word of God against slaven,', and to concentrate the energies of the 
Christian ministry and of Christian churches upon the extinction of that great sin, 
the conditions of membership shall be the adoption of its pledge and principles, and 
the payment of an annual contribution for its support. And members of local 
societies formed on these principles shall be members in full of this society. 

Art. 2. The officers of this society shall be a president, vice-president, secretary, 
treasurer, auditor, and an executive committee of five, to be chosen annually by 
ballot, 

Akt. 3. The duties of the officers and committee shall be to provide for and 
call public meetings at such times and places as they see fit, in order to advocate 
the principles of the society, to mould public opinion, to induce action by the 
churches with reference to slavery, and to inculcate the duties of civil government, 
of civil rulers, and of citizens, in respect to its overthrow. 

Akt. 4. Beside local and extraordinary meetings, which may be called at the 
discretion of the officers and committee, there shall be at least one public meeting 
annually, during the religious anniversary week, in the citiesof Philadelphia, New 
York, and Boston, for the free expression of the anti-slavery principle and senti- 
ment of Christian churches, as declared by this society. 

Art. 5. The expenses incurred by the officers of this society, in the prosecution 
of their duties, by the maintenance of public meetings, lectures, and the use of the 
Press, shall be met by the resources derived from the annual contributions of mem- 
bers, and by such donations as benevolent individuals and churches shall bestow 
for the uses of the society. 

Art. 6. This constitution may be amended by a vote of two-thirds of the mem- 
bers present at any meeting, notice of said amendment having been given at any 
previous meeting. 

The following resolutions were adopted with the above constitu- 
tion : 



Resolved, In consideration of honest differences of opinion among anti-slavery 
Christians in regard to the Bible view of slavery ; their relation to slaveholding 
churches and those ecclesiastical bodies and benevolent societies that embrace or 
tolerate such, as also their duties to the civil government, that the Executive com- 
mittee be instructed to diffuse such information and discussions through the perio<l- 
ical press, and by means of tracts, as in their judgment shall seem desirable ; and 
that they also confer with the American Tract Society at Boston in relation to the 
publication of such tracts as may be procured for these purposes. 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee be instructed to call the attention of 
the various associations, of the different Evangelical denominations, in sympathy 
with this movement, to the objects of this society, with the request, that they shall 
recommend to the ministers and churches in their connections, to form local socie- 
ties according to the plan proposed in the above constitution, Art. I. 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee, as soon as they are justified by the 
state of the treasury, be requested to employ public lecturers to explain and defend 
the principles of the society, and promote the general purposes for which it has 
been formed. 

Having perfected these preliminary arrangements, we would now 
respectfully and earnestly invite you to be present at our first annual 
meeting, which is to be holden in the city of Boston, on Tuesday the 
24th of May, next, at the Treraont Temple, at 2 o'clock p. m., to 
join in the movement now inaugurated, and to co-operate in consider- 
ing and deciding upon the practical measures that may be deemed 
necessary to carry into effect the principles and purposes of our or 
ganization. 

Presuming, however, on your very natural wish to know the rea- 
sons of our movement, what encouragement we find for effort, and 
the plans we propose to adopt, we will briefly yet frankly set forth 
some of the considerations which have moved us to make this at- 
tempt. 

1. We would combine and give expression to the existing anti- 
slavery sentiment of the churches. We are convinced that there is 
no inconsiderable amount of such opinion and feeling in them, which 
lies practically dormant, either from an overshadowing influence, 
that prevents it full exhibition, or because there is no organized 
form, through which such sentiments may be promulgated or made 
effective. Large numbers, with warm sympathy for the down trodden, 
longing desires for their deliverance, and deep indignation at the 
cruelty and craft of their oppressors, yet, being isolated, and without 
mutual countenance and support, are compelled to repress these feel- 
ings and leave without effective utterance their profound abhorrence 
of the fearful system of American chattel slavery. In this society 



4 

■we would open a channel through which such sympathy can flow 
such testimony be uttered, and the needed effort be put forth. 

2. We would provide an agency for the dissemination of correct 
principles, not only upon the general subject of slavery, but upon 
those special forms of danger and duty, which the present exigencies 
of the cause present. By the aid of the periodical press, tracts and 
larger treatises, it is believed that correct views can be promulgated, 
and many, who are noW undecided and inactive, may be secured to 
the service of freedom, and persuaded to enter the ranks of earnest 
and practical opponents of oppression. There are earnest thinkers, 
acute and able pens, and hearts glowing with zeal, and burning with 
anxious desire to break the shackles not merely of the bondmen of 
the South, but of the still fettered and enthralled North — of those, 
iu our churches, who yet inquire : What have ive to do with 
slavery ? We would furnish facilities and means by which their 

" Thoughts that breathe and words that bum," 

shall reach the masses, and call into action much of the latent 
sensibility and piety, which are now lost to the cause of right and 
humanity. Such an agency may this Society become. 

3. We would prepare the way and afford facilities for the full and 
fair consideration of many important practical points, concerning 
which there are still honest differences of opinion among earnest 
anti-slavery Christians — differences so decided as to embarrass, not 
to say prevent, all practical co-operation against the system, even 
among those who claim to be alike hostile to it. Of such mooted 
questions, we would cite the following : 1. What are the exact 
teachings of Scripture concerning Slavery ? What was the real 
nature of Hebrew servitude ? and what was the attitude of Christ 
and his disciples towards the slavery of their times ? 2. AVhat is 
our duty in relation to those ministers, churches, and benevolent 
societies, who still retain a seeming complicity with other churches 
and ecclesiastical bodies in which slaveholders are tolerated ? And 
how can we absolve ourselves from such complicity, without becom- 
ing involved in the sin and unhappy position of modern come-ouier- 
ism ? 3. How shall Christians be enabled to make their influence 
felt in the politics of the state and nation, without compromising 
their principles, or weakening their moral influence over the minds 
of their fellow-citizens? These are questions concerning which there 
are honest differences of opinion, such differences as paralyze the 
energies of the church and hinder all effective opposition to the terri- 



ble system we so heartily deplore and condemn. These questions 
should be thoroughly and honestly discussed, not simply, as too often 
now, as matters of ethics merely, but as involving practical issues, 
of infinite moment to ourselves as well as others, pertaining as really 
to the interests of Kcligion as Freedom. In the Society now formed, 
we think an agency is presented, which may be made greatly instru- 
mental of promoting such discussions, and rendering practical the 
conclusions to which they lead. 

4. Finally, we would place the Christian church in its 
TRUE POSITION. We would not merely absolve it from all complicity 
with American Slavery, but we would take away its reproach of 
remaining silent and inactive in the presence of this giant crime of 
the day. It is not fitting that the church should ignore her respon- 
sibilities in this matter. Her ministry and membership are neither 
honoring their Master nor promoting their own good report, by 
leaving this question — essentially a moral one, involving in all its 
parts the great principles of right and lorong, the duties we owe to 
God, our fellow-men, and our own souls — to be discussed and decided 
by sceptical reformers, made more sceptical by her remissness, or by 
politicians, looking at it merely as an element of party arrangement 
and zeal. Such a question is not safe in such hands. The issues involved 
are too momentous to be lodged exclusively with them, or with any poli- 
tical party, however correct, in the main, its principles and platform 
maybe. Nor is it safe, or for the honor of the church, to allow such 
a question to be decided, even if it could be, by worldly men from 
worldly principles alone. For her own sake, her testimony should 
be unequivocal, and her position clearly defined. Her hold upon 
the confidence and conscience of the community requires it. If she 
would diminish the numbers who are yearly swelling the ranks of 
modern scepticism, she must change what seems to many the equi- 
vocal position she now occupies, upon this subject ; and thus deprive 
Infidelity of one of its most effective weapons, and one that it is using 
with the most terrible success. 

We are, by no means, unaware of the difficulties and discourage- 
ments, that suggest themselves, by the mere mention of a new anti- 
slavery movement — the objections which will be urged to such an 
organization as we propose — the doubts that will be started as to the 
need of such an effort, with the many ominous and desponding 
questions that will suggest themselves concerning it. " What do 
you propose to DO ?" is an inquiry that we frequently hear ; and it 
is often propounded with a tone, indicative of no confidence in any 



good results from it. Some are satisfied with things as they are; 
others are hopeless of any good from any source ; some think the 
church has done all she is called upon to do, and that the rest must 
be left to the providence of God; others feel that the present apathy 
of our churches to the dangers and duties of our position, is but a 
certain symptom of judicial blindness, a paralysis of the nation's 
mind and heart, that shall never be healed, as it is but a sure pre- 
cursor of coming ruin ; while others still feel, whatever may be 
God's purpose or the actual results of efforts that we may make, 
that it is our duty to feel for them in bonds as bound with them, 
disown all fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, and use 
every legitimate means to rid the Christian church of all unrighteous 
connection with wrong. 

Now we respectfully submit, whether such diversity of sentiment 
on the part of some, such apathy of feeling on the part of others, 
and such persistent inaction on the part of all, at least so far as any 
concerted effort is concerned, in the churches of the North, taken in 
connection with the notorious and astounding facts of Slavery and 
its advocates, do not afford reasons for an attempt to secure the 
prevalence of better counsels and the adoption of measures that 
shall, at least, indicate, that we see our dangers, and are willing to 
learn our duty. The strides of the Slave Power were never so rapid 
as now. The Government, in all its departments, legislative, execu- 
tive and judicial, is fully and openly committed to the purpose of 
making slavery, no longer sectional, but national; requiring but one 
more decision of the Supreme Court to render it as legal in Massa- 
chusetts as in South Carolina. The Slave Trade is practically 
opened, with a growing determination, on the part of the South, to 
remove all legislative restrictions that hinder its open prosecution. 
Nor is the prospect more hopeful in the Soutlicrn churches. We 
talk familiarly of their " apostasy," and yet we still remain ecclesi- 
astically and socially, as well as politically and commercially, very 
much as we were in the days of comparative darkness, and before this 
" apostasy " took place. Our national Benevolent Societies stand 
dumb before this inexorable Power, while its advocates and apolo- 
gists yet retain their places in their counsels and boards of direction. 

Is it not time then, is there not a demand for, at least, conference 
and prayer among those who see the wrong, and who would absolve them- 
selves from all seeming countenance of so foul a scheme of cruelty and 
fraud ? Is it not time, that Northern Christians should take counsel 
together and unite their prayers for heavenly wisdom; that they 



may not only undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, 
but that they may avert from themselves and their guilty land the 
judgment of Almighty God ? Is it " righteousness " alone that ex- 
alteth a nation ? Then how can our nation endure, occupying its 
present attitude, and pursuing its present course ? And how can the 
American Church, with its more than three millions of members and 
half a million of voters, expect the divine blessing, if it stands silent 
and inactive, either through indifference or the fear of man ? It 
recognizes the claims of a dying world, and, in form, has entered upon 
the vast and momentous undertaking of its evangelization. And yet 
how obvious the conclusion, that the perpetuity and prosperity of 
our free institutions are intimately, if not essentially, connected with 
the immediate success of the missionary enterprise. So that it is 
not alone for the slave, nor yet again for ourselves, but for the sake 
of nations lying in heathen darkness, that every friend of Christ 
should identify himself with the cause of Freedom in our land. 

Do we speak of obstacles and difficulties to be encountered and 
overcome ? In what good cause are not such to be expected ? Has 
the cause of Foreign Missions fewer ? Are there less serious diffi- 
culties to be apprehended, or less practical wisdom necessary, in the 
endeavor to evangelize the pagan nations of the earth, than to place 
the Christian church of America in its true position on the single 
subject of Slavery ? Is there less demand for faith and confidence 
in God and the power of truth, when the " American and Foreign 
Christian Union " enters upon the work of converting the Papal 
nations of both hemispheres, than when we undertake to persuade 
the Christians of our land to remember them, that are in bonds, as 
bound with them ? 

But our present purpose is not so much to argue these points, 
as to invite your attention to one more effort, to combine the friends 
of Christ in some well-concerted and prayerful effort to " undo the 
heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free." We believe that a 
prompt and hearty response would so give confidence to each other, 
reassure the hesitating, and decide the doubtful, that the way would 
be opened for future more vigorous and successful efforts. Further 
plans in detail might be given. But we prefer that they should be 
the result of the general deliberations of those who may identify 
themselves with this movement and connect themselves with this 
society. The 2^">'nciples of our " Declaration " being adopted 
heartily and in good faith, we can apprehend no serious difficulties 
in the way of marking out a line of policy which shall render them 



8 

eflfective for great and benign results. "We start, indeed, without 
the pi'csti (J c oi names and numbers; but our confidence is in Him 
•who hears the cry of the oppressed, and in the claim which Truth 
and Right can urge with success upon the reason and conscience of 
the wise and good. Our society is necessarily somewhat local in its 
origin, membership and officers ; and yet we are not without our 
hopes, that its range shall yet become national, and that the reins 
of its management shall fall into the hands of those receiving them 
from a greatly enlarged constituency. 

And here we rest our plea. We would respectfully and affec- 
tionately invite you to join us in one more effort to arouse the slum- 
bering energies of the church to the performance of her duty. Shall 
our appeal be in vain ? Shall past conflicts of opinion, or present 
hardly appreciable differences of sentiment upon the " metaphysics" 
of the subject, hinder us from combining our counsels, our prayers, 
and efforts, in behalf of an object confessedly so great and good ? 
By the sorrows and " hopes deferred " of suffering millions, by our 
deep interest in the political prosperity of our nation, by our regard 
for the purity and honor of the church, by our love for the Saviour, 
who regards every act of kindness done to the least of his brethren as 
done to him, by our own hopes of heaven ; and the welcome plaudit, 
'"Well done, good and faithful servant," we invite you to be one 
with us in this effort in behalf of Humanity and our common Faith. 

Q. J ^ J- C Wkbster, of Hopkinton, Mass., PresH. 
feigned, ^ i^g^j^Y rjy Cheever, of Jewett City, Conn., Sec'y. 

Executive Committee : — Hon. Elmer Brigham, of Westboro ; Rev. 
Samuel Hunt, of Franklin ; I. Washburn, Charles Ballard and Rev 
Chester Field, of Worcester. 



NoTK. — It ^vill be perceived from the nliove Circular, that the vigorous prose- 
cution of our proposed purposes and phins will reqiiire no small amount of pecuniary 
rcfoiirees. Accordingly an " annual contribution " is made a condition of mem- 
bers-liip, tlie amount being left to the decision of each individual for himself. It is 
to be liopcd, therefore, that each minister or member sympathizing with its objects, 
into whose hands it may full, will interest himself at once in the organization of a 
society, in his church, according to the plan proposed in Art. I. of our Constitution. 
Any moneys from membersliip or donation.s, may be transmitted by mail, or other- 
wise, to the treasurer, I. Waehburn, of Worcester, Mass., who will forward receipts 
for tlic same. 



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